Introduction.
THERE are many aspects of Jewish life in South Africa—and
those not the least important—which cannot be expressed or interpreted in terms
of figures. For one thing, there is a notable absence of accurate and
comprehensive statistical material on large sections of Jewish activity in this
country, though here, it may be remarked in passing, the Jewish Historical
Society can play its part in repairing some portion of the gap. Even more
relevant than the lack of statistics, in a study of Jewish conditions in South
Africa, is the fact that there are many elements in the situation which are not
amenable to numerical statement. Who shall pretend to estimate, even
tentatively, the extent of the Jewish contribution to the economic, social and
intellectual progress of the sub-continent? Nor, despite Dr. Maurice Hexter and
others who endeavour to translate sociological phenomena into statistical
formulæ, has any one yet invented a yardstick by which one may measure the
cultural and psychic life of a people, and least of all of the Jewish people,
whose very being is motivated by ideals and aspirations which have no
determinable value.
These reservations are necessary at the outset of a somewhat
cold-blooded and prosaic statistical analysis such as the present one. Once the
word of caution has been voiced, however, it should be added that there is
sufficient basis in the existing records for a reasonably adequate delineation
of the Jewish population in South Africa and its development. In broad outlines
the present Year Book, with its harvest of information gathered from many
quarters, serves to give an impressionistic sketch of the topical situation of
South African Jewry. It is the purpose of this article to fill in some of the
details and at the same time to supply the general background against which the
individual facts may be visualised in better perspective.
The Communal Life.
The contents of this Year Book are largely an epitome of the
communal life of the Jews in South Africa. It is fitting, therefore, to dwell
in the first place on such evidence of this communal activity as is available
in the general records of the country. Fortunately, it is possible to present a
fairly reliable picture of the Jewish communal organisation as it existed
nearly twenty years ago. The year is 1911, when for the first time a complete
enumeration was made of the people in the South African Union, and, inter alia,
of their religious institutions.
In 1911, we learn, the number of separate Jewish
congregations in South Africa was 44, of which 21 were in the Cape Province, 17
in the Transvaal, 4 in the Orange Free State and 2 in Natal. The urban areas in
the Union in 1911 numbered about 350, so that on the average one centre in
eight had a Jewish communion. The aggregate Jewish population in the Union at
that time was about 47,000. Out of this number, a total of 7,471, or just under
16 per cent., belonged to an established congregation. If allowance is made for
the number of younger people, the proportion would probably be not more than 25
per cent. This figure must be regarded in the light of the general
circumstances of life in South Africa—the scattered population, the great
distances, the rough-and-ready conditions of material existence in the
backblocks, leaving little inclination or opportunity for non-material
interests.
As is only natural, the percentage of male members of the
population who were attached to some congregation was higher than that of the
women. It would seem, however, that the association of the Jewish womenfolk in
South Africa is probably more active and devoted than that of the men. On a
rough estimate, at least 30 per cent. of the married women in the Union twenty
years ago were members of a congregation, and there is no reason to believe
that the proportion is less now.
A rather significant comparison may be made between the
position in the several Provinces. In the number of congregation members, Natal
ranked highest with an average proportion of 30 per 100 of the total Jewish
population in the Province. The Cape came second with 22 per cent., the Free
State next with 16 per cent., and the Transvaal last with just over 10 per
cent. As the bulk of the Transvaal Jewish population has always been
concentrated on the Reef, that figure gives a pretty fair index of the degree of
communal organisation in Johannesburg and its environs twenty years back. The
evidence is not conclusive, nor would it be just to read in these bare figures
any evaluation of the spiritual condition of the Jewish communities in the
early days of the present generation. But the figures do contain some
suggestion of those conditions. Has there been an improvement in recent years?
Similar testimony is not obtainable, but the pages of this Year Book should
provide the material for an answer to the question.
Let us proceed to examine another side of the picture. In
1911 the revenue of the 44 congregations was reported to £35,300, over £20,000
of which came from individual donations and the balance mainly from membership
fees. The annual expenditure of the Synagogues aggregated over £33,000, of
which about 50 per cent. went towards the payment of salaries for ministers and
staff. It is rather surprising to learn only £651 went as a contribution to
education, while little more than twice that amount was devoted to charitable
purposes. The explanation lies doubtless in the existence of other agencies who
took care of these important aspects of the Jewish communal life. It is
evident, however, that the conception of an intelligent centralisation of such
activities, which is a feature of the Jewish situation in the larger centres of
population, is of more recent growth.
In interesting contrast to the apparent indifference of the
Transvaal communities two decades ago to their organised communal institutions
was the relatively good financial standing of the congregations in that
Province. While the average income of all religious institutions in South
Africa was £300 a year, and the income of Jewish congregations in the Cape
averaged £600 per annum, the Transvaal average was over £1,000 a year each.
When the large number of small congregations is taken into account, these figures
present, from one point of view, rather striking evidence that, whatever may
have been wanting in the spiritual devotion of the South African Jews, there
was no lack of material support for their religious institutions.
Considerable space has been given to this one phase of the
Jewish past in South Africa, but there is some justification for this. We are
concerned here with a dominant aspect of Judaism, and the figures quoted
represent the only extant record on the subject. A warning has already been
given against drawing precise conclusions from statistics when considering
these questions, and the caution must be repeated. Yet there is a fairly clear
deduction to be drawn from those figures and others from the same source which
cannot here be analysed. The deduction is that, taken at large, South African
Jewry of twenty years ago—and probably the same applies to earlier
generations—was somewhat lacking in a sense of communal unity and attachment to
spiritual ends. If, as has been pointed out before, it is impossible to say
whether or not there has been an advance in recent years, it will be the
general experience that lately there has developed a greater communal
consciousness, a deeper interest, if not in the religious institutions, then at
any rate in non-material objectives. There has been progress, but whether the
gains have been proportionate to the growth of the Jewish population and its
material resources it would be difficult to affirm.
The Population Progress
From a consideration of this one aspect of the Jewish situation in South Africa, we turn to the more general question—what has been the character of the Jewish population movement in South Africa? No information for the country as a whole exists before 1904, while the latest enumeration does not bring us later than 1926. The twenty odd years covered represent, however, an important period in South African Jewish history—a formative and constructive period, in marked contrast to the hectic feverishness of the couple of decades which preceded it. The story of these latter years is told in the following table, which shows the Jewish population in South Africa at various intervals:—

In the light of the general white population movement in
South Africa, the Jewish statistics are little short of remarkable. In the
period covered, the total number of Jews in South Africa very nearly doubled
itself, while the female population was almost trebled. The significance of the
latter fact cannot be over-stressed. It is a clear indication of the character
of the Jewish migration into the Union. The Jew came to South Africa not as a
bird of passage but to make his home here. If he came alone, his family soon
followed him across the water, and the promptness with which this generally
happened suggests that the newcomer did not take long to find his feet.
In 1904 there were 36 more men than there were women in
every Jewish group of 100 souls. In 1911 the excess had dropped to just over
18. In 1918 it had fallen to 11, in 1921 to under 10, and in 1926 it had
declined to 8—in other words, among 100 Jewish people there were on the average
54 men and 46 women, compared with 68 and 32 respectively in 1904. The
interesting point is not so much the figures themselves as the rapidity with
which the sexes have approached numerical equality.
Regarding the general movement, we find that the Jewish
population has increased at an average rate of about 4 per cent. per annum over
the period dealt with. The largest absolute increase occurred in the period
1921 to 1926, though the percentage annual increment was somewhat greater in
the years 1911 to 1918. The rate of growth of the Jewish population has been
much more rapid than that of the population as a whole. In point of fact,
however, the suggestion of an abnormal influx is not quite correct. The relatively
high rate of the Jewish increase has been due mainly to the large number of
Jewish women who came to join their men-folk after the Anglo-Boer War and the
recent conflict. The male increase was not usually above that of the general
population, and there have been occasions, especially during the economic
crisis after the late war, when the annual increase of the Jewish population
was well below the general rate. (It so happens that during the first three
years after the war, when the Jewish migration was at a low level, the number
of Scotchmen in the Union increased by nearly 25 per cent.—a very high rate!
But this by the way.)
Some reference might be made at this point to the recent Jewish migration figures. The nett accessions to the Jewish population through immigration since 1925 are shown below:
Since May, 1926, when the last population census took place, the increase due to migration has totalled just over 5,000 persons of both sexes. It may, therefore, be estimated that with the natural increase (the excess of births over deaths) the Jewish population now numbers over 80,000—an increase of something over 100 per cent. in twenty-five years.
Normally, the Jewish population in South Africa has owed its
progress in a somewhat greater degree to immigration than to the natural
increase. There are no definite statistics on the point, but one may hazard the
guess that the Jewish rate of natural increase is, if anything, somewhat lower
than the average European rate in South Africa. It is improbable that the
Jewish death-rate is higher than that of the general population; owing to the
smaller proportion of old people in the community, it is very likely lower at
the present time. At the other extreme, the infantile death-rate among the Jews
is probably below the general rate, owing to the favourable conditions in the
average Jewish home. The explanation for what would appear to be the lower
Jewish natural increase lies presumably in the fact that the Jewish birth-rate
in South Africa is not high, and also in the relatively large proportion of
unmarried men in the South African Jewish population. The point is again
referred to below. These considerations, academic as they may at first sight
appear, are of great significance, because they touch fundamental questions of
population, without which all other problems lose a good deal of their meaning.
Distribution of Jewish Population.
At the present time the Jews number about 43 per 1,000 of
the South African white population, compared with 41 in 1921, 37 in 1911, and
34 in 1904. Even more interesting are the figures showing the dispersion of the
Jewish population in the Union. Recent details are not available, but in 1921
the Jews numbered 62 per 1,000 in the Transvaal, 33 per 1,000 in the Cape, 25
per 1,000 in the Free State, and 19 per 1,000 in Natal. In 1911 the Transvaal
proportion was the same, the Cape proportion was only 29 per 1,000, while in
the Free State and Natal it was 16 and 15 respectively, the increases in the
two latter Provinces being notable. In 1904 the Transvaal population contained
only 52 Jews per 1,000; the Cape proportion was 33 (a reflection of post-war
conditions); Natal showed the same ratio as in 1911; and the Free State had
only 11 Jews per 1,000 of the general population. The absolute numbers showed
that between 1904 and 1921 the Jewish population in the Cape increased by less
than 2,000; in the Transvaal by 18,000; in the Free State by 3,000 (or an
increase of 200 per cent.); and in Natal by about 1,000.
The Jewish population in South Africa, as elsewhere, is
predominantly a town-dwelling one. A little over 90 per cent. of the Jewish
population has, as far back as the records go, lived in urban areas. In 1904
just over 60 per 1,000 of the urban population in South Africa were Jews, but
only 6 per 1,000 of the rural population. In 1911 the proportions had risen to
65 and 7 per 1,000 respectively. Ten years later the Jews numbered just over 70
per 1,000 of the urban population and 8 per 1,000 of the rural inhabitants. The
same general tendency doubtless exists at the moment, with possibly this
additional feature, that while there has been a substantial rise in the urban
proportion, there has also been a decided improvement in the rural position. It
is probable that a greater proportion of the recent Jewish arrivals have sought
a home in rural areas than was the case in the past, even though the Union has
become more highly urbanised.
Just over three-quarters of the total Jewish urban
population and about 70 per cent. of all the South African Jews have
congregated in the nine principal urban areas—the Rand, the Cape Peninsula,
Durban, Pretoria, Port Elizabeth, East London, Kimberley, Pietermaritzburg and
Bloemfontein. About 60 per cent. of the whole Jewish population and two-thirds
of the town dwellers live on the Reef and in the Peninsula. The tendency to
concentrate in these two areas has, however, become less marked in recent years.
The smaller cities, like Bloemfontein, Port Elizabeth, East London and
Maritzburg, though they have a comparatively small number of Jews, have shown
larger proportional increases than the big urban areas.
The Jewish population numbers about 12 per cent. of the
total European inhabitants on the Rand. The Cape Peninsula comes next with 9
per cent. The other centres have a Jewish population ranging from 6 per cent.
in the case of Bloemfontein to 1 per cent. in Pietermaritzburg. In other parts
of the Union the proportion of the population which is Jewish nowhere exceeds 6
per cent. (the extreme case is Oudtshoorn). In most districts it is under 1 per
cent. There is scarcely a corner of South Africa in which the Jewish people is
unrepresented, the most notable exceptions being certain sections of Natal. It
is an interesting point that quite a substantial number have made their homes
in the Karroo and Kalahari districts, to the development of which they have
greatly contributed.
Social Characteristics of Jewish Population.
What of the social and economic life of the Jewish
population in South Africa? The statistical records of any value are meagre, as
has been suggested before, but there are some broad indications of certain of
the more tangible features.
Important consequences flow from the age-composition of a
people. In South Africa the Jewish population bears the stamp of a pioneer
community in a marked degree. The predominant age-group comprises the men and
women in the prime of life, with a secondary emphasis on the children. The
proportion of old people is low, and even below the South African average.
Fifty per cent. of the male population is between the ages of 25 and 60, and
over 30 per cent. is represented by boys under 15. The female population has a
more even age distribution. Over 35 per cent. are girls under 15 years old, 21
per cent. are young women under 25, and nearly twice that number are women over
25 and under 60. The Jewish population comprises less children than the general
Union average, the normal allowance of young men and women under 25, a
considerably larger proportion of persons in the middle ages, and a smaller
number of old people. A population so constituted is well fitted to take its
part in the economic and cultural development of a young country.
On the other hand, the high proportion of Jewish men who are
in the middle ages is not without its social repercussions and disabilities,
though these are inevitable in an unsettled immigrant group. Some light is
thrown on the situation by the fact that, while 55 per cent. of the men are
over 25 years old (that being about the average age for marriage among South
African men), only 37 per cent. of the men were ever married. The proportion of
married women (including widows and divorcees) was about the same as the number
of women over 25. Jewish custom generally favours marriage by women at a much
earlier age than that. It would seem, then, that in South Africa there are
either a considerable number of what would be considered marriageable Jewish
girls under 25 who are unmarried, or else there are many Jewish women over that
age who are not married, while at the same time there are a number of
middle-aged men in the Jewish population who, probably in the stress of the
economic struggle, have never contracted a marriage. In any event, it is clear
that there is a social problem here, a problem which will ultimately solve
itself as the Jewish population acquires a settled character; in the meantime,
there is a good deal of maladjustment and individual unhappiness inherent in
such a situation. Its relation to the problem of racial integrity is obvious.
Is it perhaps a symptom of the problem that the proportion of Jewish divorced
persons is somewhat in excess of the general average?
Economic Analysis of Jewish Population.
Turning to the economic distribution of the South African
Jewish people, we find that 60 per cent. of the male population and 14 per
cent. of the female population are engaged in gainful occupations. The South
African averages are 57 and 10 per cent. respectively for the general European
population. Only about 600 men and women in South African Jewry can be regarded
as of independent means, that is to say, under 1 per cent. of the total. The
proportion is certainly not greater than the Union average, and the figures do
not suggest that the economic status of the average Jew is any different, for
better or worse, than that of the average South African citizen.
The ratio of dependents in the Jewish population is less
than in the general population. This refers not only to children but also to
adults. The number of Jewish men who are described as dependents is about 6 per
cent. of the total male population, and the number of women dependents (wives,
mothers, etc.) is about 76 per cent. In the general population the proportions
are 7 and 80 respectively.
The dominant economic interests of the Jewish people are
vested in commerce. Two-thirds of the occupied males are engaged in trade and
finance, compared with under 20 per cent. for the general male population. Of
the Jewish women who are gainfully occupied, 72 per cent. are employed in
commerce. In the general female population the percentage is about half of
that. Second in importance among Jewish pursuits in South Africa are those
relating to manufacturing industry. Sixteen per cent. of the men and 10 per
cent. of the Jewish women who are occupied are engaged in industries. For the
general population the proportions are 21 and 13 per cent. respectively. These
figures suggest that the Jews are taking their fair share in the new industrial
development of the country. The Jewish position in agricultural industry is
less assured. Only 4 per cent. of the occupied Jewish population is engaged in
farming, and only just 1 per cent. of the total Jewish population. The great
majority of the Jews who live in the rural areas, numbering 10 per cent. of the
Jews, are not farmers but traders. Many of them, to be sure, have subsidiary
agricultural interests, and in the main they perform a useful function in the
marketing of the products of the rural industries, but only 1 in 10 is himself
a farmer.
A numerically more important group of occupations is
represented by the catering and service trades (for example, hotelkeepers,
liquor traders and hairdressers). Five per cent. of the Jewish occupied males
are engaged in this group, and a somewhat larger proportion of the Jewish
women. It is interesting to note that only 3 per cent. of the Jewish men are
employed in the professions—about the same proportion as for the general
population—and less than 1 per cent. in the administrative services of the country—a
proportion obviously below the general South African average. No less than 10
per cent. of the Jewish women who earn a livelihood are occupied in the
professions, including teaching, and again only 1 per cent. are employed in the
public services. Other occupations, such as mining and transport, embrace
between them 3 per cent. of the occupied Jewish male population, compared with
about 12 per cent. for the total population.
To sum up, the Jews provide one-seventh of the trading
classes of the country, just under 2 per cent. of those engaged in productive
industry (mining, farming and manufacturing), and just over 2 per cent. of the
professional and public service classes. As the Jews number about 4 per cent.
of the total European population, the distinctive feature of this occupational
distribution is the abnormal proportion engaged in trade. Here there is a
suggestion of over-development of one phase of Jewish activity. But is there
not also a suggestion of over-concentration of economic interests in other
directions amongst the general South African population? The distributing
function is a vital one in modern society, and in the final analysis it makes
not the slightest difference what group of individuals discharge this function,
so long as it is adequately discharged. Yet a greater variety and a more even
dissemination of economic functions confers a valuable social advantage on any
section or group, and the point is of no less application to the South African
people as a whole than it is to the Jews.
There is reason to think that the Jewish position in this
respect is undergoing some important transformations. The movement to attract
more Jewish youths to the land, as well as to divert the new stream of
immigrants from the towns to the countryside—not as traders but as farmers—will
surely bear fruit. Then, again, there is an increasing number of Jewish
industrialists and entrepreneurs, and Jewish boys are availing themselves in
larger numbers of the facilities for industrial training and apprenticeship
which have been developed in South Africa in recent years. It will be a matter
for surprise if the occupational distribution of the Jewish population at the
next census does not show some radical changes. Great as has been the Jewish
contribution to South African progress in the role of distributors, it will not
be seriously doubted that such a widening of economic interests must be
beneficial to everyone concerned.
NOTE.
Since the above article was written, it has become possible
to supplement the picture which has been drawn of certain aspects of the Jewish
situation in South Africa.
It has been officially reported that the number of people
professing the Jewish faith in South Africa at the enumeration made in 1926 was
71,816, of whom 38,817 were males and 32,999 were females. These are the
figures which should, strictly speaking, be compared with the Jewish population
as returned at earlier censuses. On setting side by side the particulars of
professing Jews and the numbers reported as being of Jewish parentage, we find
an interesting discrepancy. The last-named class totalled 72,169 (males 39,014,
females 33,155) as compared with the figures shown above. There is a difference
of 353, of whom 197 were men and 156 women. Does the group represent the number
of persons of Hebrew descent who at the time of the census had definitely
disavowed the faith of their parents? At any rate, this much is evident, that
in 1926 there were at least 353 persons in South Africa of the first generation
who acknowledged themselves to be of Jewish parentage but who explicitly
refused to profess the Jewish faith. There are, unfortunately, no independent
means of checking the statement, but perhaps these figures serve to throw light
on the degree of “assimilation” in South Africa. Roughly, it is equivalent to 5
per 1,000 of the Jewish population, the proportion being about the same for men
and women.
There is another point of some interest in the same
connection. A further calculation shows that in the rural areas of the Union
the number of men of this type represented about 13 per 1,000 of the Jewish
rural population, and the number of women 8 per 1,000, whereas in the urban
areas the proportions were under 5 per 1,000 in each case. This phenomenon is
not unexpected. The conditions in many of the rural areas of South Africa
operate to loosen and in many instances to sever the links with the Jewish faith.
The numbers are, however, not large, and other evidence tends to show that on
the whole the traditional integrity of the Jewish people stands in no greater
danger in South Africa than it does in most other countries.
Without sacrificing in any measurable degree its own
historic individuality, it is clear, however, from what has been said in the
main text that the Jewish population in South Africa has from the first
identified itself with the broad current of South African life and development.
Valuable testimony on one aspect in this connection may be found in the fact,
which emerges from an official report, that the Jewish community comprises more
than the average proportion of bilingual persons—that is, people who can speak
both official languages. In 1926 no less than 60 per cent. of Jewish South
Africans were bilingual, compared with 54 per cent. in the case of the total
white population. In the country areas no less than 81 per cent. of the Jewish
people spoke English and Afrikaans. If bilingualism is regarded as a
significant test of South African citizenship, then the showing made by the
Jewish element is as satisfactory as could well be expected from a community
which has grown up largely within one generation. The fact becomes even more
impressive when it is recalled that the present Jewish population in South
Africa contains a substantial proportion of recent arrivals whose bilingual
qualifications must be insignificant.
It must, of course, be recognised that the position of the Jew as the South African middleman par excellence makes it essential for him to have a command of the two principal languages. A study of the figures for other groups, the members of which are also largely devoted to commercial activity, shows, however, that the Jewish population is generally more adaptable than the other sections. This conclusion points to a characteristic which has frequently been noted in the Jewish people—their readiness to adopt the cultural modes and expressions of a free environment, while preserving the distinctive features of their own cultural ethos.








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